For my final paper I wrote that,The graphic novel, with its comic origins, has the ability to invite readers by way of images which enhance the text. Many people’s memories of American Imperialism are collected and brought to life in Howard Zinn’s historical novel, A People’s History of American Empire, which has been graphically depicted by Mike Konopacki and Paul Buhle. Marjane Satrapi’s graphic novel, The Complete Persepolis presents the complicated images of self memory. Images enhance the way people remember the written word and these two graphic novels make a double imprint on the minds of readers. They make visible the memories of people who have endured the hardships of imperialism, racism, sexism, classism, revolutions, wars, and resulting regimes.
In A People’s History of American Empire, Zinn shows how American imperialism is the motivation behind many historical events, which by now have affected the entire world. The cartoon rendition of Zinn stands on his soap box shouting, “It’s important to remember that our invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq are not unique events. They are part of a continuing pattern of American behavior” (7). This pattern of American intervention is marked by the American government’s intrusions into countries during times of political vulnerability, such as revolutions or civil wars. Zinn’s cartoon rendition continues to say, “U.S. expansion began in 1823 with the Monroe Doctrine, which declared the western hemisphere a sphere of influence. It continued with Manifest Destiny—the conviction that the U.S. was destined to rule the continent from coast to coast” (7). There were those who caught on to this pattern of American imperialism for the sake of empire, which has resulted in the countless deaths of innocent people. While protestors made themselves heard in the United States, anti-Americanism grew in the rest of the world.
Satrapi begins her graphic novel by showing the effects of anti-Americanism, a direct effect of American imperialism, when she was a child in revolutionary Iran. The cartoon rendition of Satrapi as a child is shown veiled and frowning, while the adult Satrapi narrates overhead, “This is me when I was 10 years old. This was 1980,” then she says, “We didn’t really like to wear the veil, especially since we didn’t understand why we had to,” under which is a drawing of her and her female classmates playing childhood games with the veil (3). Just as the people affected did not always understand American imperialism, they did not always understand new anti-American, pro-tradition laws.
While both ideologies are oppressive, people have resisted. Satrapi shows a bearded man at a podium in her school saying harshly, “All bilingual schools must be closed down. They are symbols of capitalism, of decadence. This is called a ‘cultural revolution,’” (4). Satrapi goes on to say, “Everywhere in the streets there were demonstrations for and against the veil,” below which is the drawing of female protestors shouting “the veil!” or “freedom!” (5). Without American imperialism, the religious leaders of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 would have had nothing to react against. In fact, this Islamic revolution arguably would not have happened at all.
According to Zinn, the American government had been involved in the Iranian government which the revolution of 1979 protested. Zinn describes the anti-American backlash, saying,
On November 4, 1979, angry Iranians seized the U.S. embassy in the capital city of Tehran and took everyone hostage. They demanded that Mohammad Reza Pahlevi, the notorious Shah (king) who had fled with U.S. help when rebellion swept the country, be returned to face trial,
below which is a photo of Iranians burning the American flag (232). He goes on to add, “The hostage takers also demanded an apology from the U.S. for overthrowing the government of Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953,” below which is a photo of Mossadegh, a smiling older man (232). The hostage takers and anti-American sympathizers did not simply hate American freedoms or democracy itself. They were and are reacting to the disgraceful and aggressive actions of the American government in the name of capitalism. Once harmed by the actions of the American government, people have grown to associate all things American with greed and cultural conformity. They refuse to “do as we do” when it comes to capitalism as well as democracy and culture.
The Iranian people rejected Reza Shah because he was viewed as a puppet for American capitalism. Satrapi shows her parents protesting the Shah, saying “My parents demonstrated every day,” above a drawing of a large group of angry people shouting “Down with the king!” (18). She goes on to show how tired it makes them, and when she suggests that they play monopoly her dad says “Now is not the right time,” and to his wife, “Monopoly! I can’t believe it. Ha! Ha!” because monopoly is a capitalist game, to which the young Satrapi replies innocently, “It is never the right time!” (18). When Satrapi later tells her father she learned in school that the Shah was chosen by God, he sets out to teach her who really chose the Shah.
Satrapi’s father explains that the Shah’s father was a low ranking soldier who wished to overthrow the emperor and establish a republic. Luckily for him, the British wanted to back him in order to take advantage of Iranian oil. The cartoon Shah says, “Emporer, me?” to which a Brit replies, “But of course, my friend. It’s much better than being president” (21). When the Shah says, “But there already is an emperor! I want to create a republic,” the Brit says, “The religious leaders are against it and they’re right. A vast country like yours needs a holy symbol,” and when the Shah asks “What do I have to do?” The Brit replies, “Nothing! You just give us the oil and we’ll take care of the rest” (21). The graphic rendition of these two men talking in an army camp is presented as Satrapi’s childhood image of the placement of the Shah by the west. This dramatic visual helps to reinforce the historic text and make it more memorable. The ironic humor involved owes only to the shocking audacity of pro-Imperialism in the east, like the Shah, and Imperialists in the west, like the British and American governments.
Satrapi’s father, like many Iranians against the Shah, supported the populist uprising against his decadence. Many religious leaders saw this as an opportunity to promote the virtues of Islam against the American materialism of the Shah. Satrapi shows her childhood image of her father in the tumultuous streets, saying “He took photos every day. It was strictly forbidden. He had even been arrested once but escaped at the last minute” (29). The drawings of her father’s photographs show images of people running, armed soldiers, fires, and the wounded. Many Iranians supported the 1979 revolution because they demanded the right to freedom of speech.
Zinn narrates that shredded documents in the seized U.S. embassy in 1979 were found by the hostage takers. When pieced back together, these documents “Exposed deep U.S. involvement in propping up the Shah’s brutally repressive regime” (233). To the Iranian people, the American government did not support their freedom of speech. Anti-Americanism is also a reaction of the hypocrisy of the American government when it comes to human rights. Zinn view of who chose the Shah is similar to Satrapi’s father’s. Zinn says from his lecture podium,
To stabilize control over Iran’s oil, the British ousted shah Reza Khan in 1941 and installed his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. But discontent continued. On May 1, 1951, Mossadegh—an aristocrat, a nationalist, a doctor of law, and a founder of the National Front of Iran political party was elected Prime Minister by the Iranian Parliament
(234). Zinn goes on to explain how Mossadegh championed a parliamentary democracy, reducing the Shah’s power, and forcing Britain to give up control of Iran’s oil. Mossadegh even nationalized the Iranian oil industry and renamed it the National Iranian Oil Company.
Britain did not want Iran to have democracy if it meant the loss of British oil control. Zinn explains the U.S. involvement, saying,
Great Britain asked the U.S. to help overthrow Mossadegh. C.I.A. operative Kermit “Kim” Roosevelt, the grandson of Teddy Roosevelt, presented a plan to the Dulles brothers [John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State, and Allen Dulles, Director of the C.I.A.] and other officials on June 25, 1953,
below which is a photograph of Kim Roosevelt and then a cartoon Roosevelt handing over a document marked “top secret” to the Dulles brothers (235). This secret plan, says Zinn, “was written by Tehran-based C.I.A. agent Donald Wilber and British Intelligence Officer Norman Darbyshire. Wilber…was in charge of the propaganda. The plot he hatched was called Operation Ajax” (235-236). Zinn switches to the perspective of Wilber, to personalize the story of the failed U.S. and British plot to once again place a puppet into the Iranian government. The cartoon Kim Roosevelt says to Wilber, “the British have agreed to our replacement for Mossadegh: Fazollah Zahedi,” and Wilber replies, “We’ve got $135 to influence key people” (236). Zinn’s characterizations simplify and bring to life the complicated political story behind anti-Americanism.
Zinn describes further U.S. involvement, saying, “Our large network of agents organized street gangs—The Chaqu Keshan—to pretend to be pro-Mossadegh. They broke windows and attacked innocent bystanders” (244). Mossadegh’s followers turned against him. U.S. agents, including Kim Roosevelt, paid people to hold pro-Shah demonstrations. With the help of Roosevelt, Zahedi overthrew Mossadegh and became the new Prime Minister. “The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was renamed British Petroleum. U.S. oil companies got 40 percent of the oil business,” says Zinn (248). While the U.S. and Great Britain were reaping Iran’s resources, Iranians opposed to the Shah and his backers were beaten by police and kept in inhumane prisons.
When the Shah is overthrown, two of Satrapi family’s friends, Siamak and Mohsen are released from political prison, along with 3000 other prisoners. They visit the Satrapis and relate the stories of their torture in the Shah’s prisons. Mohsen says, “Our torturers received special training from the C.I.A,” and Siamak replies, “Real scientists!!! They knew each part of the body. They knew where to hit!” while the Satrapis look at the two men in horror (50). Marjane Satrapi’s father asks them, “Any news of Ahmadi?” and Siamak replies, “Ahmadi…Ahmadi was assassinated as a member of the guerillas, he suffered hell. He always had cyanide on him in case he was arrested, but he was taken by surprise and unfortunately he never had a chance to use it…so he suffered the worst torture…” (51). Below this statement are drawings of a man undergoing several humiliating sorts of torture, including being burned with an iron. Satrapi says, “I never imagined that you could use that appliance for torture” (51). These drawings force readers to visualize the torture that is the result of American Imperialism. Although human rights were clearly being abused by the Shah in the 1970s, the United States continued to support the Shah because he allowed continued U.S. oil profits.
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini began heavily criticizing the Shah until he was arrested by the Shah’s police, tortured, exiled to Iraq, and from Iraq exiled to France. The rebellion in Iran gained force and the Shah was finally forced to flee. According to Zinn, “In 1979, Khomeini returned to Iran” and the cartoon Khomeini says, “That evil traitor is gone. He suppressed our culture, annihilated our people, and destroyed our resources. His government is illegal. I shall appoint my own government with the backing of this nation because this nation accepts me” (252). That year Iran’s government became an Islamic Republic.
At first President Jimmy Carter refused to give refuge to the exiled Shah, and Satrapi’s father says to Marjane and her mother, “It looks like Carter has forgotten his friends. All that interests him is oil!” (43). But Zinn explains that,
Jimmy Carter kept the Shah at arms length. Finally on October 22, 1979, he allowed the Shah, who was dying of cancer, to come to the U.S. for medical treatment. On November 1, 1979, Khomeini called for mass demonstrations. Three days later, Iranian students stormed and occupied the U.S. embassy, taking 52 hostages,
below which is a photograph of a street packed with angry anti-American demonstrators. Khomeini derived support for his religious state because of his popular anti-Americanism at a time when the Shah was synonymous with the United States. Zinn says, “One wonders: what would Iran be like today if Mossadegh’s dream of democracy had come true?” (253). Below this question is a photograph of Mossadegh examining the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia. The United States government deliberately crushed an Iranian grassroots pro-democratic movement in order to protect its own capitalistic interests. As a result, the anti-American Islamic Republic gained support and came to power.
The Complete Persepolis and A People’s History of American Empire not only show the causes and effects of American Imperialism, they show the false beliefs that lead to the justification of the dehumanization of people for the sake of profit by both American Imperialists and anti-American sympathizers. Sexism, racism, and classism are examined by Satrapi and Zinn, and found to be the roots of revolutions. Satrapi shows the mandated sexism of the new Islamic Republic, saying “And so to protect women from all the potential rapists, they decreed that wearing the veil was obligatory,” then a bearded man on television in front of the Satrapis is shown saying, “Women’s hair emanates rays that excite men. That’s why women should cover their hair! If in fact it is really more civilized to go without the veil, then animals are more civilized than we are,” to which Satrapi’s father says, “Incredible! They think all men are perverts!” and her mother says, “Of course, because they really are perverts!” (74). Veiling by law based on gender is the sexist reaction to the unveiled and, in the opinion of the Islamic Republic, over-sexualized American woman. Women in the United States must also endure sexism, a form of imperialism, with lower wages and the capitalization on the female body. The Iranian government’s mandatory covering of women is a direct reaction to what they see as American capitalism’s uncovering of women for profit.
The racism of United States government officials during the Iraq War is shown by Zinn to result in the coldblooded murder of countless innocent Iraqi civilians. Zinn recalls how in 1996, 60 Minutes correspondent Lesley Stahl questioned democratic President Bill Clinton’s future Secretary of State Madeleine Albright about the U.S. trade embargo with Iraq. The cartoon rendition of Stahl says, “We have heard that over half a million children have died. That’s more than died in Hiroshima. Is the price worth it?” and Albright replies, “We think the price is worth it” (257). The disregard for the deaths of Iraqi children can only be the result of the misunderstanding of a people. This apathy is a result of racism and the idea that an Iraqi child’s life is not worth the same amount as an American child’s life. Anti-Americanism is a response to white oppression through Anglo-Saxon imperialism. While the United States and Western Europe are made up predominantly of whites, the countries they take advantage of economically are made up predominantly of people of color. American prosperity resulting from governmental extortion of other countries, based on race, is justified by the idea that the United States people deserve what they have for being a hard working society.
Satrapi is conscious as a child of being well off. She even has a maid, named Mehri, who has a crush on the neighbor’s son. When the son finds out that Mehri is not a Satrapi, but is in fact their maid, he no longer wants to marry her. Satrapi is upset by this and her father tells her, “You must understand that their love was impossible,” and when she asks, “Why’s that?” he says, “Because in this country you must stay within your own social class” to which Satrapi asks, “But is it her fault that she was born where she was born??? Dad, are you for or against social classes?” (37). Satrapi then says, “When I went back to her room she was crying. We were not in the same social class but at least we were in the same bed” (37). Because of this class injustice Satrapi is moved to demonstrate in the Iranian Revolution. She and Mehri break the rules and march with anti-Shah demonstrators. When they get in trouble with Satrapi’s mom, she slaps them both. Satrapi says,
We had demonstrated on the very day we shouldn’t have: on ‘Black Friday.’ That day there were so many killed in one of the neighborhoods that a rumor spread that Israeli soldiers were responsible for the slaughter. But in fact it was really our own who had attacked us,
below which is a drawing of Satrapi and Mehri with handprints on their faces (39). Many Iranians who protested and participated in the Iranian Revolution were fighting for class equality and their struggle was met with the brutality of the Shah’s soldiers, who were funded by the U.S. To the Iranian revolutionaries, the U.S. became synonymous with class inequality.
The graphic depictions of the characters in both A People’s History of American Empire and The Complete Persepolis make them the memorable histories of people affected by American Imperialism and anti-Americanism. Imperialism is fueled by racism, sexism, and classism which are used to excuse the capitalization on countries with desired resources. Anti-Americanism is a reaction to Imperialism and the only solution is to do away with the Imperialism. Though imperialism continues to dictate American governmental policies at home and abroad, progress has been made in the area of human rights with regard to racism, sexism, and classism. If this progress continues, it should follow that apathy, the cause of the unnecessary destruction of innocent people, even those that live across the globe, will dissolve. While showing the causes of hate, these two graphic novels cannot help but show the resistance to hate present in Satrapi, Zinn, and those they admire.
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